The hidden costs of free trade: Mexico bites the bullet 


The financial and economic catastrophe that has befallen Mexico and its
poor has brought into focus the call by the Zapatistas for a government
that is characterised by honesty, accountability and responsibility to
the people.


By David Werner and Jason Weston




'We thought we were on the path to the First World and suddenly
something went wrong. One minute the World Bank and IMF were saying
Mexico was the best example. Now we are the worst example.... We are
losing control. If we don't find another type of development, we are
finished. We surrender.'

- Enrique del Val Blanco, Mexico's Human Service Ministry


'Tell him I'm sorry'. 'I miss him and very much want to visit him. But
now I just can't! For one thing, I don't have the money. As you know,
since the drop in the peso, the cost of everything has gone up. Bus
fares have doubled. But my wages are still the same. I can barely feed
my other children.'

- A Mexican mother explaining why she cannot make a 100-mile bus trip
to see her son, Jesus, recuperating from spina bifida and visual
impairment.


Few could have forseen the horrendous catastrophe which has suddenly
converted Mexico from the success story of trade liberalisation into a
global economic basket case. To keep the wolf from the door, Mexico has
already borrowed billions of dollars, and has a line of credit for
billions more. Even if the peso can be kept from slipping further, the
burden of repaying the debt, along with the hardships of the
devaluation itself, will fall largely on the backs of the poor, whose
real wages continue to plummet.

To pay off these loans, Mexico will have to escalate its austerity
measures (similar to those often demanded by the World Bank's
structural adjustment programmes). In other words, the Mexican people
can expect further reductions in public services, further reductions in
real wages, increased taxation, and more user fees for health and other
social services. Already this has involved a huge increase in the price
of oil (35%) and basic goods, while wages have been frozen. Meanwhile,
federal sales tax on most goods was raised from 10% to 15%. If Jesus's
mother had a hard time making ends meet before these latest austerity
measures, what will her situation be now?


When systems begin to fail, their patrons look for a scapegoat, trying
to place blame on faulty individuals rather than faulty structures. In
the case of Mexico's 'Meltdown', blame is being thrust upon
ex-President Carlos Salinas. Salinas, who until the end of 1994 was
lauded by international financial institutions and had been nominated
by the White House to head the new World Trade Organisation, was
suddenly transmuted from golden boy to boogie-man.

No doubt Salinas did contribute to the crisis by propping up Mexico's
image of prosperity and stability until his hand- picked successor was
elected in November. But surely economists in both Mexico and the US
knew the Mexican economy was living on borrowed time and money. In
order to maintain the trade euphoria of the North American Free Trade
Agreement (NAFTA) and keep the flow of speculative investment pouring
into the Mexican market, the Mexican government made huge amounts of
high-interest short-term loans (called Tesabonos). Reserves fell so low
that it had no possibility of paying back these loans unless
speculators continued to invest billions in their southern trading
partner. As Mexico's trade deficit grew by leaps and bounds in response
to deregulation through NAFTA, Mexico had little choice but to devalue
the peso in the hopes of increasing exports. It postponed the move too
long, and when the peso was finally devalued, US investors panicked. A
vicious spiral followed as US speculators pulled their money out of
Mexico, and the peso plummeted even more.

Yes, Salinas was partly to blame. He was to blame for listening to the
World Bank, to US Presidents Bush and then Clinton, and to the
money-hungry big-business community both north and south of the border
(those who put their own economic growth before more basic human and
environmental needs). He was to blame for not listening to the ordinary
people, the peasant farmers and urban workers and students who
demonstrated by the thousands against the signing of NAFTA. He was to
blame for not listening to the Zapatistas in Chiapas, who strategically
launched their uprising on 1 January 1994, the day NAFTA was put into
effect.

But much more to blame than Salinas or the Mexican government is the
global market system, manipulated by powerful interests that try to
increase their wealth by wheeling and dealing on an international
scale, rather than by productive labour. Salinas, Bush, Clinton,
Gingrich, and Helms whether they try to resist or simply go with the
flow are still but pawns in the system.

Whether Bill Clinton's multi-billion-dollar attempted bailout of the
Mexican economy was an act of courage, cunning, or cowardice is hard to
say. But it is certainly a response to the powerful business interests
that helped put him in office. Clinton, in his own way, is as much at
the mercy of global greed as are Salinas and Zedillo.

One thing is certain. Sufficient wealth exists in Mexico to rescue the
nation's economy if only it were more fairly distributed. While the
real earnings of workers have dropped over 40% in the past decade, a
handful of people have profited enormously. In 1991 Mexico had only two
billionaires. Today it has 28. Reportedly, one of these billionaires,
Carlos Slim, controls as much wealth as 17 million of his poorer
compatriots.

If anyone has a clear vision of what is needed for sustainable
development in Mexico, it is perhaps the Zapatista rebels in Chiapas.
Although the uprising is small in numbers, the Mexican government has
been unable to crush it because a large sector of the Mexican
population from poor folks to intellectuals sympathise with the
Zapatistas and concur with their humanitarian demands.

The Zapatistas call for the government to respond to the needs of the
people. They demand that it respect the Mexican Constitution, reinstate
its land reform statutes, and not sell out to the monied class north
With 'subversive' demands such as these, renewed at a time when
Mexico's economic and social stability is in shambles, it is not
surprising that powerful interests in both Mexico and the US want to
see the Zapatistas silenced. Indeed the new attacks against the
Zapatistas and the impoverished indigenous communities that support
them may in part have been triggered by the US business community. On
14 January, news was leaked that representatives of Merrill Lynch and
Goldman Sachs investment firms had told Mexican government officials
that it was time to regain investor confidence by wiping out the
Zapatistas. Also, an internal memo of Chase Manhattan Bank said, 'The
[Mexican] government will need to eliminate the Zapatistas to
demonstrate their effective control of national territory and security
policy.'

In the spirit of solidarity (with Northern bankers), two days after
Zedillo got the word from Chase Manhattan, he issued his now infamous
order to apprehend Sub-commandante

Marcos and launched an attack on the indigenous communities of Chiapas
where the Zapatistas had their stronghold.  Thousands of men, women,
and children fled into the Lacandon forest, where they faced hunger and
outbreaks of illness.  Reports of a 'massive Zapatista arms cache'
discovered in Vera Cruz (actually three revolvers and three grenades,
plus some ammunition and some Zapatista pamphlets) were used as a
pretext to justify the massive invasion. A portion of the money from
President Clinton's bailout fund was reportedly used to purchase
helicopters and tanks, and to contract professional torturers from
Colombia, Argentina and Texas to the Mexican armed forces in Chiapas.

The Mexican military put up blockades to prevent the press from
reporting on the brutal attacks on indigenous towns and villages.
However, the Zapatistas managed to get word out about the atrocities,
including the deaths of children and torture of civilians. Although the
government has denied any wrong-doing, its case is weakened by its
refusal to allow human rights observers or the press into the area. It
was largely the international protest of the press, charging that the
Mexican government and military were violating the Mexican
constitutional rights of civilians and freedom of the press, which
forced Zedillo to again call back the military, lift the barricades,
and reopen negotiations with the Zapatistas. As a result,
demonstrations in support of the Zapatistas took place around the
world. The Mexican newspaper La Jornada showed photographs of
demonstrators inside Chase Manhattan in New York. And it ran articles
of demonstrations at Mexican embassies in Madrid, Brussels, Paris, Los
Angeles, and San Francisco.

This international grassroots response has put the Mexican government
at bay. As of this writing, Zedillo has reportedly pulled the military
out of the towns and villages that had been supportive of the
Zapatistas in order to convince the Zapatistas to resume talks for
reconciliation.

Social scientists have pointed out that the Zapatista uprising is
fundamentally different from popular revolutions of the past. It makes
maximum use of modern communication, ethical pragmatism, and
international solidarity. The Zapatistas have made it clear that they
do not want to take over the government or form a political party.
Rather they want to create a broad-based demand for honesty,
accountability, and responsibility of the government to the urgent
needs of the people.


Published by Third World Network 228, Macalister Road, 10400 Penang,
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